[from History of IoM, 1900]



1. The Re-organization. 1660-1698.

THE Manx Church during this brief period, which was not marred by any contest with the State, more than regained the position it had lost during the last few years of the previous period.

The most important questions at this period.

The most important questions which arose at this time were those connected with the efforts of Bishop Barrow to provide better stipends for the clergy, and education for both clergy and laity, as well as for the regulation of the Church and for the administration of ecclesiastical discipline. In all these, especially in the last, he had a very considerable measure of success, and this is all the more remarkable when we remember that the Restoration was the signal, in England, for an outburst of laxity and irreligiousness. But in Man, as the changes had been small before the Restoration, so the rebound after it was small also. One of the first acts of Charles, the 8th earl, was to re-organize the Church, and, to this end, he appointed a commission of six laymen to act with Archdeacon Rutter " for the full settlement of all matters ecclesiastical and civil." The archdeacon was not able to come to the island at that time, so he appointed Dr. Richard Sherlocke, domestic chaplain to Earl Charles, and the Rev. Samuel Hinde,1 Rector of Kirk Bride, to act in concert with the six laymen as "his lawful deputies," in order that they might " restore the collapsed and most deplorable estate and condition of religion and the Church as well." The first step of these commissioners was to order all the ministers to appear before them "in St. Patrick's Church in Peel." Their conference with the ministers resulted in the issue of certain orders and regulations to be observed in the Church. This was done in August, 1660, and, in the following month, the commissioners ordered that the ministers of the chapels in Douglas and Castletown should "marry, baptize, and church, keeping a fair register; " but that the vicars of the parishes of Braddan and Malew were to receive "all just dues and ffees" for the same.

Commissioners appointed

In October, they appointed the four following clergy as " deputed substitutes for the church affairs in this Isle," viz., Sir Hugh Cannel, Vicar of Michael, Sir Robert Parr, Rector of Ballaugh, Sir James Moore, Vicar of Lonan, and Sir John Harrison, Rector of Bride. At the end of the following March, these " substitutes " heard a complaint by Patrick Thompson, Vicar of Braddan, to the effect that "though it was against the law for people to take the communion out of their own parish, yet there hath been a general communion held in the Chappell of Douglas." The commissioners consequently ordered " that no manner of person shall presume to receive the Comumon in any Church or Chapel, but in their own parish Church." The result of their labours was, according to Bishop Wilson, to settle affairs " to the entire satisfaction of the Lord and People."2 But, if we are to believe the following account, written in 1663, by Isaac Barrow,3 who was both bishop and governor, there was scant reason for such satisfaction, since the state of the Manx clergy and people would seem to have been truly deplorable, though it is probable, considering the prejudice against the Commonwealth and all its rulers, that some of the statements therein are considerably exaggerated "At my coming into the island, I found the people for the most part loose and vicious in their lives, rude and barbarous in their behaviour; and-which I suppose the cause of this disorder-without any true sense of religion, and, indeed, in a condition almost incapable of being bettered; for they had no means of instruction, or of being acquainted with the very principles of Christianity. Their ministers, it is true, took upon them to preach; but were themselves much fitter to be taught, being very ignorant and wholly illiterate; having had no other education than what that rude place afforded them: not many books among them, nor they intelligent of any but English books, which came very rarely thither. The poverty of the clergy gave no encouragement to such merchandise, their livings not amounting to above five or six pounds per annum, which forced them to engage in all mechanical courses, even in keeping of ale-houses,4 to procure a livelihood : and this also, together with their ignorance, rendered them despicable to the people, who yet had no way of instruction but from their mouths (for there is nothing either written or printed in their language, which is peculiar to themselves; neither can they who speak it best write to one another in it, having no character or letter of it among them) ; Whose manner of officiating in their churches was by an extemporary translation of the English Liturgy into the Manks language; and so likewise of the Holy Scriptures: which, how inconvenient for the people and injurious to the Scriptures it must needs be, we may easily judge, when done by such as do not perfectly understand the English, and much less the meaning of many Texts of Scripture. This being their condition, I suppose the best way of Cure would be to acquaint the people with the English tongue,5 that so they might be in a capacity of reading Catechisms, and books of devotion : and for this purpose to set up an English school in every parish; and withal, to fit the children for higher learning, in a Grammar School, which was also wanting. And, to vindicate the clergy from contemptible poverty, and free them from the necessity of base employments, an increase of their maintenance was necessary." 6 Bishop Barrow earnestly desired to do away with this deplorable state of things, and one of his first undertakings to this end, when he came to the island in 1663, was to recover for the Manx Church the share of the tithes of which the religious houses had been deprived at the Reformation. We have seen how these tithes came into the hands of the Lord of the Isle. 7 They were now, at Barrow's suggestion, granted by him on a lease of 10,000 years to the use of the poor clergy and Church schools of the diocese, in consideration of the sum of 1,000 and a fine of 130 every thirtieth year. This money was raised by subscription in England through the bishop's exertions. The yearly value of the tithes thus obtained, hereinafter called the Impropriate Fund, of which we will now continue the history, seems at that time to have been about 100, and for its " quiet enjoyment " the bishop was provident enough to get a collateral security, which, as we shall see, was very fortunate for the clergy.8 In 1704, James, the tenth Earl of Derby, in consenting to the "Act of Settlement," particularly reserved and excepted these tithes, and declared that the same had been granted by Charles, late Earl of Derby, to the bishop and archdeacon. But, upon James's death, in 1736, there was a total failure of issue male, and the Duke of Atholl, as great-grandson and heir-at-law of James, the seventh earl, claimed the whole of the impropriate tithes. 9 His claim was incontestable, because the very same title which made the duke Lord of the Isle, made him also owner of these tithes. In default of male heirs, the whole was entailed upon the Lady Amelia Stanley, first Marchioness of Atholl, and her representatives; and nothing had been done to cut off the entail. As a deed of alienation, therefore, the act of Earl Charles was null and void. There was, however, the collateral security above mentioned of "lands and hereditaments within the county of Lancaster, of the value of 2.000," 10 which had come into possession of Edward, Earl of Derby. The clergy consequently applied for this, after they had recovered the titles of conveyance, which had been mislaid. But they met with evasion and delay, till, in 1741, the earl offered them 1,000, which was an absurdly inadequate sum. They, therefore, in 1742, commenced legal proceedings against him. In the meantime, the duke helped them by allowing them to enjoy the benefit of these tithes, upon their undertaking to repay the same, when they received the value out of the estates settled for their security. At last, in 1757, after a wearisome and costly lawsuit, the sum of 219 per annum was paid by the Earl of Derby. As time went on, however, it was seen that this sum was much below the real value, and so, in 1809, Bishop Crigan demanded a revision of the valuation. The result of this was that the net annual amount of the tithes was found to be 663. Upon this sum Lord Derby agreed to pay somewhat under twenty-five years' purchase, viz., 16,000, in order that his estate might be released from the annual payment. This arrangement was confirmed by Act of Parliament (51 Geo. III.), in accordance with which the 16,000 was directed to be laid out in the purchase of real estate in the Isle of Man. Thus the clergy gained a substantial increase, but lost their chance of a further increase in the future. Moreover, as the price of land was unduly inflated at the time when their purchases were made, they only obtained an income of 400 a year from their investment. This income is administered by the bishop and the archdeacon, with two other persons nominated by the Duke of Atholl, and is applied by them towards augmenting the stipends of those clergymen who are not incumbents.

For the further support of the poor clergy, Bishop Barrow also obtained, by the exercise of his personal influence with the king, what was called the " Royal Bounty," a grant of 100 a year, payable out of the excise, for the " better maintenance of the poor vicars and schoolmasters." 11 By the various means mentioned, " the allowance of the clergy," says the bishop, "is now raised from five to six, to almost twenty pounds per annum, and will increase, as the leases of the purchased impropriations do expire, to about thirty pounds annually." But the incomes of the clergy, even considering what the value of money was at that time, still remained very small, though, according to a document in the Records in 1685, 17 a year was then thought to be a " competence " in the Isle of Man. In that year, then, it was arranged that such ministers " as had already 17 arising to them out of the rents and perquisites of their livings should rest therewith contented, . . . but such as had not soe much, should be made up to 17." 12

From the list appended to this document, we gather that the incomes of the vicars of the following parishes were : Rushen, 8; Arbory, 14 ; Santon, 9 ; Braddan, ,5; Conchan, 8; Lonan, 12; Maughold, 16; Lezayre, 6; the remaining nine parishes having 17 or more.13 Besides making up these amounts to 17 each, the money in hand was expended in sundry payments to the vicarsgeneral, the bishop's registrar, and school teachers. 14 But this "bounty " was often in arrear, and so we find Governor Sacheverell writing, in 1696, to the Archbishop of Canterbury about " the real and pressing necessities of the clergy," 15 " who," he states, " so absolutely depend on his Majesty's benefaction of 100 a year, which has for more than two years been unpaid, so that the greatest part are fallen into poverty and debt; and three churches are already vacant, the pensions (which are but 13 per annum 16) being so small." " I know," he continues, " I need no other argument to so great a patron of the Church than to open the misery of our condition, and that your Grace would at least be pleased to retrieve his Majesty's benefaction; and if, by the charity of the Church of England, a means could be found to raise 1,000, it would add some tolerable endowments to these poor livings, furnish Bishop Barrow's designed library, and build some convenient academic lodgings, and put us out of condition of making our miseries further troublesome." 17 As regards the value of the bishopric, John Lake, writing to Archbishop Sancroft in 1683, put it at 283, remarking, " yet is not the Bishoprick so poor but the clergy are poorer and the people poorest of all." 18

After providing for the maintenance of his clergy, Bishop Barrow's next care was for education, for promoting which he collected 600 in England, "the interest of which maintains an academic master; and, by his own private charity, he purchased two estates 19 in land worth 20 a year, for the support of such young persons as should be designed for the ministry." 20 By his will, dated 1679, he provided that the produce of these estates should be confined to the maintenance of three boys ;21 at an academic school, "when it shall be settled." 22 The bishop, in fact, designed this school to be a Manx university, in order that, in his own words, since there are " none here able to give their children an education in foreign universities, . . . there may grow up a clergy of such knowledge and learning among them, as may deserve esteem, and carry an authority amongst the people." This school was not built till 1706, though Barrow set apart for it " of the monies collected for these good works, remaining in hand, not laid out, 241 ; " 23 and from a letter of Lord Derby's, it appears that one year's revenue of the bishopric was also reserved for this purpose. 24

Nor did the bishop neglect elementary education. He established a school 25 in every parish, at which the ministers taught " for perfecting their children, and fitting them for the grammar school" 26 in Castletown. 27 It would appear, therefore, that he contemplated the more intelligent children passing from the parochial schools to the grammar school, and, in the case of those who were intended for the Church, from the grammar school to the academic school.28 Bishop Barrow had also intended to found a library and to provide "convenient lodgings for the academic youths, who are forced to diet in public-houses in the town," 29 but he died before he could carry out these designs.

His educational efforts were greatly assisted by a stringent order of Earl Charles's in 1672, compelling all his tenants to send their children to school under severe penalties for non-compliance.30

It may be mentioned here that a sum of money had been left in 1652 by Philip Christian, a member of the Clothworkers' Company and a native of Peel, towards the maintenance of a free school in that town, but there had been some difficulty about the payment until Bishop Levinz succeeded in obtaining a settlement in 1689, when a school-house was erected.

The discipline of the Church was administered very strictly at this period. An important step in this direction was the abolition of a money commutation for penance, and the imposition of a fine for the non-production of a certificate from the minister showing that the penance had been performed. 31

The special offences which seem to have been most frequently punished were those against the proper observance of Sundays and Saints' days. Thus, in 1683, it is recorded that : "The clergy complain that parishioners are very remiss and backward in attending Divine Service upon Sundays in the afternoon, and alsoe upon Holy-dayes." Proclamation, therefore, was to be made that " the inhabitants (or one person out of each family at least) shall for the future repair to the parish churches . . . in the afternoon, as well as the forenoon, and upon all Holy-dayes and other dayes of prayer . . . under the penalty of forfeiting fourpence."

And, in 1690, Bishop Levinz issued the following proclamation on the same subject: " Whereas . . . the Lord's day is very much prophaned and neglected to the great scandall and dishonour of our holy profession and decay of Christian piety . . . Wee do order and require that no person within this our Dioceis doe presume to doe any servil work on that day, especially that no fisherman do offer to goe to sea from Saturday at night till Monday morning, and that noe milner do suffer his milne to grind from twelve of the clock on Saturday at night till nightfall on Sunday on a penalty of fourteen days' imprisonm't in St. German's prison, and penance in every church of the Island for the first offence, and for every relaps double punishment and ~t4 fine to the Lord's use without mittigacon."

Punishments for adultery, slander, bad language, assault, drunkenness, &c., were also numerous. Of the cases of drunkenness at this time, one, miserabile dictu, is against a clergyman who was presented by his churchwardens for coming to church one Sunday " much concerned in drink."

The power of the Church in Man at this period was clearly very great. A striking proof of this is the fact that two officers of the Castle Rushen garrison, who were presented for what seems the trivial offence of " Laughing at the procession on the Castle Walls as minister and people went by," and " were censured to make publique confession of their offence, and promise reformation," meekly submitted to the sentence. The Church was, in fact, omnipotent, and we must bear in mind that none of the Acts of Charles II. directed against Nonconformists, viz., the Act of Uniformity, the Five Mile Act, and the Conventicle Act, applied to the island, nor was there any necessity for them, because, with the exception of a few poor Quakers, there were no Nonconformists there. The Quakers were rigorously treated in Mail; the first instance of this being in the time of Lord Fairfax, in 1658, when the governor prohibited any one from receiving them into their houses, and prohibited the Quakers themselves from meeting " in the fields, or any out-house or other place on the Lord's day."

Several who persisted in these meetings were imprisoned and then banished from the island. For refusing to attend church and to pay tithes, and other Church dues, they were also heavily fined and imprisoned. Their children were baptized against their parents' will, and their dead were refused Christian burial. After the Restoration, they were treated even more severely by Bishop Barrow. In 1672, when Charles II. issued his Declaration of Indulgence, the Quakers who had been banished were permitted to return to the island; but, till 1685, they were still persecuted, though to a less extent. After this date, until the arrival of Bishop Wilson, in 1698, no cases are left on record against the Quakers; but, whether this is owing to greater toleration, or to the very imperfect state of the Records, is not known. Bishop Wilson treated the small colony of Quakers with favour, and allowed them to worship in their own way, without bringing the law concerning attending churches to bear upon them. One of his biographers, Cruttwell, states that the " few Quakers who resided on the island visited, loved, and respected him." After this time but little is heard of them. Some of them emigrated to America early in the nineteenth century, and most of the rest abandoned their peculiar tenets. There are still a few descendants of these Quakers in the island at the present time.32

And what do we learn about the religious condition of the people, other than the Quakers, who were subjected to this severe discipline ? We have the evidence of two of their rulers, spiritual and tem poral. The former, Bishop Levinz, writing in 1688 to Archbishop Sancroft, says-" God be thanked, I find the people in appearance nothing inclined to popery, tho' we retayne several popish customs beer in this remote place, amongst which this is one, that as soon as any person is inter'd all the persons present fall down upon their knees and say their prayers att the grave; of which ask them the reason, they can tell you no other, but that their fathers did so before them : and many other such fopperys wee have, reliques of popish superstition; "33 and the latter, Governor Sacheverell, writing in 1696, states that " the Church of the Isle of Man is strictly conformable to the doctrine and discipline of the Church of England; and though it is as far short of its learning as it is of its revenue, yet, without vanity, it may be said that in its uniformity it outdoes any branch of the Reformed Churches."34

But, though the Church was thus at one as regards its doctrines, a trouble arose about prescriptions against paying its tithes, which, at a later period, was to attain considerable dimensions. The first mention of this was in 1633 and 1634, when certain landowners claimed such prescriptions. Their claims seem to have been disallowed, but, owing, perhaps, to some of the Records having been lost, nothing is discoverable about this special question,35 till just after the accession of Bishop Levinz, when it was decided at a Consistory Court that certain prescriptions against paying tithe in kind were null and void, and the landowners claiming them were ordered to pay.

Some of them, however, continued recusant, and, in 1685, Parson Thomas Parr of Malew took the opportunity of his Ordinary's presence on the island to complain that " he hath the Rectorie of his parish (Kk. Mallew) upon a ract (sic) rent, and is a loser thereby," and that " many of the parishioners refuse to pay their tythes pretending prescriptions."36 The recusants were ordered to appear at a Consistory Court, but, as there is no record of this, the result is not known. 37

There were also some cases of refusing to pay the Church assessment.

It is not easy to gather from the Records what was the result of the various proceedings concerning the prescriptions ; but it would appear from what occurred in Bishop Wilson's time that the question was only temporarily shelved.

Let us now briefly inquire into the condition of the cathedral and churches of the diocese during this period. There is no information with regard to the former during the long period between 1291 and 1662, but, in the latter year, we learn that Bishop Rutter was buried " under the uncovered steeple of St German's, then in ruins." Bishop Barrow made several unsuccessful efforts to have it repaired, both by compelling the parishioners of German to work at it, and by endeavouring to raise subscriptions; but it was not till the vacancy of the see, after the death of Bishop Levinz, a vacancy which, according to Sacheverell,38 was continued to provide funds for this purpose, that " the whole cathedral church of St German's . . . was repaired at a great expense, and new roofed, and covered with blue slate all but the tower, which still lies open."39 Various other churches were also repaired and a new chapel at Castletown built out of this fund, which was augmented by the vicarage of Rushen being kept vacant. 40 It was indeed a miserable state of affairs, when the only way in which the cathedral could be repaired was by refraining from appointing a bishop, and when, in order to repair the dilapidations of a parish church, it was necessary to deprive the parishioners of their pastor.

We may at this point briefly continue the history of the cathedral to the present time. In 1722, Bishop Wilson took " a parcel of sheetlead " from the cathedral for the new parish church of Patrick, but, whether it had been actually in use for covering the roof of the cathedral, or not, does not appear. If it was, the comment of the Rev. John Keble-" This is in effect the bishop and the whole diocese passing sentence on their cathedral, and agreeing to despair of its restoration," 41 -is a just one. But, on the other hand, we learn that, in 1728, the bishop was anxious to repair the roof of the chancel of the cathedral, that he was prevented from so doing by the governor, 42 and that, in consequence of this, the new seats in the chancel, erected by him " as well as the whole fabrick "43 were "like to go to decay." 43 Hildesley was the last bishop installed in the cathedral, and its history from thence till 1858 has been one of gradual decay. Since that time, the roofless walls have been kept from falling by occasional repairs.

Not only was the cathedral neglected during this period, but some significant entries in the Records show that the churches were treated in a similar way. Thus, in 1683, there was " a great indecency and disorder in all or most of the parish churches," for want of " sufficient and comendable seats." The holders were therefore ordered to "take speedy course for the repairinge and making up of their respective seates and pewes in some handsome and orderly manner according to their severall abilityes." There are also notices with reference to the neglect to keep registers, which is ordered to be done, while " all decayed or lacerated " old books are ordered to be re-copied and copies from parochial registers to be placed among the episcopal records annually.

One reason, no doubt, of this neglect, in addition to the poverty of the Church, was the non-residence of the bishop and archdeacon, who were seldom in the island. To check this evil, the insular Legislature passed an Act, in 1697, to the effect that " every bishop, archdeacon, parson, viccar, curate, or others," who " hold and enjoy " any " ecclesiasticall promotion within this Isle, to the value of tenn pounds per Annum or upwards . . . shall personally reside within this Isle, . . . and if they or any of them shall at any time . . . be non-resident . . . above the space of four months," they shall " forfeitt and loose the full value of one half year's profitt" of their " livings, &c."44 For the second offence, they were to lose a whole year's income. The forfeitures thus obtained were to be applied to charitable uses.

Of most of the bishops of this period, more is known than of their predecessors. The first of them, Samuel Rutter, is said to have been the grandson of John Rutter, miller on the Derby estate at Burs cough, in Lancashire. He was probably sent by the family his forefathers served to Westminster school, and elected thence in 1623 to Christ Church, Oxford. 45 He was appointed archdeacon and rector of Andreas in 1646, but he does not appear to have ever resided in that parish. He was James the seventh Earl of Derby's domestic chaplain and confidential friend, and, being tutor to his eldest son, he was constantly with the family. The earl, who was greatly attached to him, wrote, in one of his letters to his eldest son, Lord Strange-" He is a man for whom you and I may both thank God; "46 and, in his last letter to his children" Love still the archdeacon, he will give you good precepts." 47 He was at Latham House during the second siege, and was one of the commissioners appointed to treat concerning the surrender of Castle Rushen to the Parliament. On this latter occasion, according to a contemporary newspaper, he showed himself "a man of very timerous spirit."48

He left the island, at the end of 1651, with the countess. In November, 1660, he was appointed a Prebendary of Lichfield; on the 21st of September, 1661, he arrived in the Isle of Man, and was installed bishop on the 8th of October.49 He only survived his installation six months, being interred in the centre of St. German's cathedral on the 30th of May, 1662. He was probably a worn-out man when he became bishop. Sacheverell, writing between thirty and forty years after his death, calls him" a man of exemplary goodness and moderation."50

His successor, Dr. Isaac Barrow, who was consecrated in Ely Chapel, London, July 5, 1668,-his nephew and namesake, the Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, preaching on the occasion-was one of the most distinguished men who have held the office of bishop in this diocese. Keble, who considers him " as thorough a disciple in the school of Laud as any that could well be named," 51 remarks that " He had been a fellow-sufferer with Sherlock, as with Hammond, and Sanderson, and Taylor, and many other of the brightest lights in the English Church, during the siege of Oxford, and afterwards." 51 He was appointed governor as well as bishop, being thus what was called " a sword bishop," and his authority in the island was consequently very considerable. Of his effort in promoting the welfare of the clergy, both as regards their material comforts and their education, we have already spoken; also of his zealous upholding of Church discipline, and his consequent persecution of the Quakers. What his contemporaries thought of him is expressed by Sacheverell, who speaks of him as " a man of public spirit and great designs for the good of the Church, to whose industry is owing all that little learning amongst us, and to whose prudence and charity the poor clergy owe the bread they eat." 50 And Bishop Wilson, writing in the following century, says" The name and the good deeds of this excellent prelate will be remembered as long as any sense of piety remains among them "52- (i.e., the inhabitants of Man). He was translated to St. Asaph in 1669, but held Sodor and Man in commendam till 1671. 53 He died in 1680, and was buried in the cathedral churchyard at St. Asaph.

His successor, Henry Bridgman (1671-1682), who was likewise Dean of Chester and Rector of Bangor (Flintsbire),53 seems to have paid singularly little attention to his diocese. Indeed there is no record of his having visited the island before 1675, when he purchased Rushen Abbey for an academical school. 54 His next and only other visit was in 1680, when he held a Convocation and presided in a consistory court. He was the donor of a chalice to German parish church. He died in 1682, and was buried in Chester cathedral.

He was followed by John Lake (1682-4), who "had served in Charles I's army at Basing House, Wallingford, and had refused to take the Covenant or the Engagement when he returned to his college (St. John's, Cambridge). He was, therefore, 'gated' as a suspected person for many months. As Archdeacon of Cleveland and Prebendary of York, he had taken a, prominent part in suppressing disorders in York cathedral in 1680.55 He resigned his prebend for the See of Sodor and Man, which had a smaller income. We do not hear, however, of his having visited it more than once. This was in May, 1683, when he presided at a Convocation at which various useful regulations were passed.56 He was translated to Bristol in 1684, when he took an active part in the suppression of Monmouth's rebellion. In 1685, he was again translated, Chichester being the scene of his labours. He became famous as one of the seven bishops confined in the Tower by King James II. This excellent man was a high Anglican in his Church views.

His successor, Baptist Levinz (1684-93), who was a Prebendary of Wells 57 under Bishop Ken, also belonged to the high Anglican school. He was consecrated in March, 1684, and was installed in St. German's in the following August. Shortly after this, he presided at a consistory court where an important decision was come to about tithe.58 We then find him appointing John Parr, Vicar of Arbory, to be episcopal registrar, ordering the clergy to " take out lycences for preaching and teaching of schooles," and dealing with a serious case of drunkenness in one of the clergy. The next glimpse of him is in 1688, when he arranged about the payment of the " Royal Bounty," expressed what proved to be a needless fear of " a seminary of Romish Priests and Jesuits," 59 being established in the island, spoke of his diocese as " a poor desolate place," and of his " title " as being too big for his " scant fortunes to maintain,"60 and solicited a prebendal stall at Winchester. At the end of the same year, he issued a proclamation in which he designated William of Orange's landing as " a horrid invasion," and consequently appointed days of humiliation for the people.

In the following year he obtained the arrears of Philip Christian's benefaction, as already related. For this he received an address from the governor and officers expressing their " due and hearty thanks for his Lordshipp's great zeal in affecting that and severall other the like good works for the benefit of the Island." Soon after this he entered upon his long-desired prebendal stall at Winchester, and only visited the island once more, i.e., in the summer of 1691, when he was present at a Tynwald Court. He died at Winchester in January, 1693, and was buried in the cathedral there.

We may note that the question of appeals to York again arose in 1677, when the Tynwald Court decided, with the approval of the bishop, that they should not be sent there without the knowledge of the lord or his governor. 61


1 Samuel Hinde probably died shortly after his appointment, since we find Sir John Harrison in the position of Rector of Bride in the same year.

2 Quoted by Keble, p. 52.

3 Rutter, who had been made bishop in 1661, being dead.

4 See Sodor and Man, p. 157, Note 1.

5 It is remarkable that Bishop Hildesley, more than 100 years later, thought that the " cure " was to give the Scripture in the Manx tongue. If he was right, as seems probable, it is clear that Bishop Barrow would have done more good by providing the people, a larger proportion of whom must have spoken Manx only in 1660 than in 1760, with sacred literature in their own tongue.

6 Hildesley's Memoirs, pp. 304-5.

7 Pp. 351-2.

8 For full particulars about this fund see Isle of Man Charities, pp. 1-23.

9 Subject to a rent-charge, see p. 352. 10 Isle of Man Charities, p. 11.

11 Henceforth one of the most frequent entries in the Records is with reference to the difficulty in obtaining this 100.

12 Lib. Scacc. See Isle of Man Charities, pp. 1-8. Also pp. 360-1 ante, for comparison with incomes previously.

13 By order of Privy Council in 1842, the part of this fund which had been paid to the parochial clergy was transferred to the non-parochial clergy.

14. See p. 471. The teachers were, almost invariably, the parochial clergy.

15 Manx Sec., vol. i., Editor's Preface, p. xiii.

16 This seems inconsistent with the statement above.

17 Manx Soc., vol. i., Editor's Preface, pp. xiii-xiv.

18 " A Collection of Letters," &c., Edinburgh, 1848. Extracts by T. Talbot in Manx Sun. Denton (MS.) says that the value of the bishop's demesne at this time was 200 a year, and that the bishop had also " a yearly salary from the Earl of Derby worth 250 a year," but there is no confirmation of this latter statement from any other source.

19 Ballagilley and Hango Hill.

20 Wilson (Manx Soc., vol. xviii. pp. 111-12).

21 It was provided that if any of these boys did not serve the insular Church he should " pay back such monies as he hath received."

22 They attended the old grammar school in Castletown till this was done.

23 For full particulars see Isle of Man Charities, pp. 24-39. 24 Sodor and Man, pp. 164-5.

25 The teachers of six of these parochial schools, viz., those in Castletown, Douglas, Ramsey, Andreas, Bride, and Ballaugh, received 3 each from the "Royal Bounty" (Isle of Man Charities, p. 7).

26 MS. letter of Bishop Levinz's in Records. This would seem to imply that the ministers only taught the more advanced children, but they really taught the whole school.

27 The teacher of this school got 30 a year.

28 See Isle of Man Charities, pp. 63-4 and 69. This school is still in existence, and does excellent educational work.

29 Sacheverell (Manx Soc., vol. i., Editor's Preface, p. xiii). A library had, however, been in existence, before his time (see p. 302).

30 "All farmers and other tenants in my Isle of Mann of what degree or quality soever doe and shall send their eldest sonnes and all other their children to such pettie schools as soone as they are capable, wherein if any doe faile or be remiss . . . [they] shall not onely be fined severely, but their children made uncapable of bearing any office or place of trust . . . for want of such literature and education " (Rolls Office, Loose Papers).

31 Lib. Scacc., 1691. An Act for these purposes was promulgated at Tynwald in 1691, but it is not published in the Statute Book.

32 For full particulars about the Quakers in Man, see Yn Lioar Maninnagh, vol. i. part ii. pp. 281-7.

33 MS. letter in Records.

34 Sacheverell (Manx Soc., vol. i. p. 94). This evidence of the governor's would indicate a great improvement since 1663. (See pp. 463-5.)

35 But see pp. 236-7 for disturbances about the general question of tithes.

36 At the present day the prescriptions in this parish are much more numerous than in any other. See Sodor and Man, p. 222.

37 At a previous Consistory Court, in the same year, the tenants of " Halsall's Land," in the parish of Malew, were ordered to pay eleven shillings and threepence " att the Church alter on paine of forfeitinge their said prescription on the said Land, and another tenant who had pulled the vicar-general off his horse and assaulted him was denounced excommunicate with the great excommunication, and ordered to do penance at the crosses of the 4 Market Towns and at the church-stile of Kirk Malew, and to repeat a schedule."

38 Manx Soc., vol. i., Editor's Preface, p. xiii.

39 Browne Willis (Manx Soc., vol. xviii. p. 148).

40 For full particulars about the cathedral, see Manx Soc., vol, xxix. pp. 9-21).

41Keble, p. 271.

42 Ibid., pp. 677-8.

43 Browne Willis (Manx Soc., vol. xviii. p. 148).

44 Statutes, vol. i. pp. 152-4.

45 Chetham Society, vol. lxvi. p. exxx.

46 Derby (Manx Soc., vol. iii. pp. 41-2).

47 Chetham Society, vol. lxvii. p. ecxxix.

48 Mercurius Potiticus (Manx Soc., vol. xxvi. p. 68).

49 See Manx Note Book, vol. ii. p. 181.

50Manx Soc., vol. i. p. 91.

51 Keble, p. 133.

52 Manx Soc., vol. xviii. p. 124.

53 Browns Willis (Ibid., p. 143).

54 The school, however, was never placed there.

55 Strickland (Lives of Seven Bishops).

56 See Sodor and Macro, pp. 168-9.

57 Browne Willis (Manx Soc., vol. xviii. p. 143). 58 See p. 477.

59 See note p. 485.

60 Letters to Mr. Cholmondeley and Archbishop Sancroft, copies of which are in the Ecclesiastical Records.

61 "In a conference at a Councell this day . . . the Lord Bishop, Temporall officers and 24 Keys present; It appears that there was a mistake about an appeal to Yorke touchinge bona notabilia, from the said Lord Bishop unto his Grace, which the said Councell and 24 Keys saith, by the laves of this Isle, ought not to goe immediately unto his Grace's prerogative Court in York without ffirst acquaintinge the Lord of this Isle or his Governor. The Lord Bishopp . . . promiseth for his parte to take notice of the Staffe of Government in the like case . . . &. to preserve inviolably all the Lord's just prerogatives accordinge to the oathes hee hath formerly taken " (Lib. Scacc.).


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